They also consume differently, which has a number of effects, including considerable economic ones. Tourist flows are also affected by terrorist attacks, and new investments are generated, particularly in security. It obliges companies to take new measures, prompting them to monitor their staff in new ways and based on criteria—notably religious criteria—that can be highly contentious.
It also impacts prison staff, prison life, and how prisons work. The terrorism of today is fast becoming a global phenomenon, rooted in logics that exist both within and outside of the societies it affects. In turn, this influences diplomacy, intelligence, and war.
It affects certain societies that have been willing to recognize victims for half a century now, and that today make a priority of remembrance, even if this has an influence on history. Terrorism affects some groups more than others, such as Jews and Muslims in societies in which they are the minority.
It also dehumanizes or marginalizes minority groups such as Muslims in Western countries , making the public believe that members of these groups are complicit in this terrorism and are therefore criminals. Lastly, terrorism gives rise to policies that are repressive, but also preventive, or those aimed at exiting violence, using deradicalization programs for example. The papers submitted to us should address one or several of the aspects outlined above. They may focus on specific cases, for example of a particular country, and might take a comparative approach.
Submissions can either pertain to a particular discipline of the humanities and social sciences, such as political philosophy or legal studies, or can be written from a multidisciplinary perspective. The same is not true of preventing and exiting violence, which do not have their own well-structured space within the humanities.
Much more empirical than theoretical, understanding of these issues is produced more by actors NGOs, associations , experts, and practitioners than by social science scholars. Violence: An international journal endeavors to gather together and support a large community of scholars and practitioners, focusing on two complementary yet distinct scientific and intellectual issues: the analysis of violence, in its diverse manifestations, and preventing and exiting violence.
In doing so, Violence: An international journal aims to develop understanding about violence, but also to build up a delineated field of research for preventing and exiting violence, with its contributions and debates. Each issue will open with a series of general articles, which will be followed by a theme section, composed by articles, debates and interviews.
Violence: An international journal will also make a special effort to link together research in the social sciences and other fields of knowledge, forging bonds with literary and artistic circles in particular, with contributions dealing with exiting violence through the lens of art.
Violence: An international journal has the ambition to reach a readership composed of academics, but also a larger audience, including the actors involved in preventing and exiting violence: NGOs, associations, politics, legal experts, and civil society. Articles for Violence. An international journal will nonetheless go through the usual process of academic journals. Once accepted by the Editorial Board, each article will be sent for peer-review.
Changes may then be asked to the author. The Platform brings together some three hundred scholars worldwide, with an international and cross-disciplinary focus. Articles should include a summary, a detailed bibliography and a short biography. Feelings Practical help The Mental Health Association NSW has prepared a facts sheet which is designed to assist people living with the fear of terrorist attacks or other human-made disaster.
Australians are renowned for their courage in dangerous situations, and for their resilience and ability to cope with trauma. Living with the fear of terrorism We may not be able to prevent all attacks on us and people we love, but there are some things we can do to protect ourselves and help those we care about to live with danger.
Where to get help in an emergency. Find out what your local community services and mental health services can offer. Make a list of important telephone numbers and keep it somewhere prominent. It can be difficult for people under stress to find and process information such as where to get help.
Give and receive emotional support. It is a good idea to have a number of people to whom you can turn in times of crisis. Think about whom you would feel comfortable talking with if you were distressed. For example, your spouse or partner, a relative, good friend, next-door neighbour, member of your church or local church minister.
Keep in touch with people you care about. Do not let petty quarrels prevent you from expressing care and concern to someone you care about. Tell someone today you care about him or her - don't wait until it may be too late. If there is nobody you feel comfortable with right now, some options are a telephone counselling service such as VVCS on , Kids Helpline on 55 , or contact us at Young Diggers local community organisation, local service clubs, local council.
Offer help to others in your community. Reach out to someone you know who may be isolated or lonely. They may be more anxious and upset than anyone else. Some groups may be more vulnerable at this time, including: People who are socially isolated, including older people Children and young people, particularly if they are separated from their parents and families People who have experienced trauma earlier in their lives, for example, refugees People who have experienced trauma in their childhood, such as domestic violence or abuse People with a language barrier who may not understand what to do People with pre-existing mental health problems may experience a worsening of symptoms.
Keep yourself informed about what is happening and what you can do Reliable news sources such as the ABC; reliable newspapers such as the Sydney Morning Herald and The Australian can give you information about events that might impact upon you.
How can you help someone who has been a victim of trauma? Feelings People who have been affected by such events may show feelings that others find hard to understand. These feelings may be: Fear, shock, horror and helplessness Anger that this has happened — why has this happened to me or my loved one? Loss of control; of being a target and not able to control the fear That you might have done something to lessen the trauma or avoid the attack Guilt for surviving when others did not Grief for those who have died These are all natural feelings after being affected by crime or disaster or act of terrorism.
Role conflict, on the other hand, appeared to increase the odds of becoming sick-listed, and prolong the duration of sickness absence. These findings support previous findings in the field [ 20 , 24 ]. Effects of exposure to a workplace terrorist attack on subsequent sickness absence appeared to interact in a complex manner with psychological and social working conditions. Exposure to the blast appeared to increase the odds of sickness absence when role clarity was average or high, but not when role clarity was low.
Role clarity is usually considered as protective of sickness absence [ 25 ], and this notion have gained some support empirically [ 20 , 24 ]. There is no obvious reason for why exposure should increase the odds of sickness absence with higher levels of role clarity.
Another explanation may be that the initial level of sickness absence may be higher among workers with low role clarity than workers with high role clarity. Consequently, the effect of exposure on sickness absence may not be equally visible with different levels of role clarity as the effect is overshadowed by high initial levels of sickness absence in this group [ 29 ]. The current findings partly support previous findings of associations between role clarity and sickness absence [ 20 , 24 ].
As expected, exposure to the bomb explosion appeared to increase the rates of sickness absence when control of work pace was low, but not when average or high. Hence, facilitating worker autonomy may protect against long-term sickness absence in the aftermath of terrorism or other stressful events at the workplace. We believe the current results gives an insight into the complexity in studying and interpret moderation when it comes to the issue of type I and type II errors [ 28 ], as well as studying moderation on multiplicative scales [ 29 ].
Role conflict is generally considered to be a risk factor for ill-health [ 25 ]. The current findings support this notion Table 2 and are in line with previous studies [ 24 , 30 , 31 ]. However, effects of exposure to a workplace terrorist attack on subsequent sickness absence seems to be more pronounced with lower levels of role conflict than higher. As discussed earlier, this may be explained by initially higher levels of sickness absence among those who experience high role conflict overshadowing the effect of exposure.
Support from superior is generally considered to be a protective factor of ill-health [ 25 ]. However, the empirical evidence is mixed with regard to sickness absence [ 24 ]. The current study showed that the odds of becoming sick-listed decreased with increasing levels of support from superior. As with our previous findings, the effect of exposure on sickness absence seems to be more pronounced with higher levels of leader-support, which might be an indication of leader-support initially acting as a protective factor of sickness absence.
Hence, facilitating leader-support might be important for reducing the risk of sickness absence. Strengths of the current study were its fairly high sample size, the prospective study design, and the combination of different data sources. By combining survey data of exposures predictor variables and registry data on sickness absence outcomes , the present study minimizes the risk of observing spurious associations that could be attributed to common method bias [ 32 ].
However, as the predictor variables of the present study were assessed by self-report measures, we cannot rule out the potential problems reporting bias associated with such measures poses [ 32 ]. The respondents were asked how often a situation occurs instead of degrees of agreement or satisfaction [ 25 ]. In terms of selection bias, we know that females were more likely to respond at baseline compared to males. A low response rate may pose a threat to internal validity through self-selection mechanisms if participating is a common effect of both exposure and outcome [ 32 ].
Of the workers who responded at baseline, Still, lower education and being female was associated with non-consent. Although, exposure to the terrorist attack may have been a focus of motivation to participate in the survey, adverse working conditions and sickness absence were likely not. Furthermore, three out of seventeen ministries declined to participate in the survey, and may pose a risk of selection bias.
The current data on sickness absence includes doctor-certified sickness absence only, not self-reported sickness absence. In Norway, employees are allowed to be absent from work for up to three consecutive days, four times a year without a sick-leave note from a doctor. A debated issue in research on sickness absence is whether or not one should include previous sickness absence in analyses of future sickness absence [ 34 ].
Also, employees may have become sick-listed in the period from immediately after the blast to baseline. Adjustment for previous sickness absence in the regression models rules out the variance in sickness absence at baseline explained by the predictors.
Hence, we may risk underestimation of the true effect of exposure to the blast and working conditions on sickness absence. The current study aimed at elucidating potential moderating effects of working conditions on effects of exposure to the bomb explosion on sickness absence. However, as Table 1 suggests, exposure to the blast seemed to affect perceptions of working conditions at baseline. We cannot rule out the possibility that working conditions may mediate effects of exposure to the blast on subsequent sickness absence.
The present study showed that exposure to the bomb explosion, and role conflict were risk factors for subsequent sickness absence. Control over decision, control over work pacing, and support from superior and co-workers were found to be protective factors of sickness absence.
We found support for moderating effects of role clarity and control over work pace, and weaker evidence of moderating effects of role conflict, support from co-workers, and support from leader. The patterns of interactions are complex, and conclusions should be drawn with caution. Directly and indirectly exposed workers may benefit from good working conditions in order to lower the risk of sickness absence and shorten sickness absence periods.
Organizations in general, and organizations exposed to workplace terrorism, would benefit from striving for good psychological and social working conditions both as preventions against illness and sickness absence, and as measures in the aftermath of a workplace terrorist attack.
The scales on psychological and social work factors employed in the current study is published in Dallner, M. Silver RC, et al. Nationwide longitudinal study of psychological responses to September Article Google Scholar.
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